This migrants from East Germany. (Triadafilopoulos, 2014). Recruitments for

This chapter begins with an overview of the historical background of
the Turkish community in Germany, and outlines some of the key events in German
history which played a major role in the lives of Turkish immigrants.

In order to determine the extent to which Turks are integrated into
German society it is first important to consider the facts regarding how they
originally came to be in Germany. In the 1950s and 60s Germany experienced a
post-war economic boom (das Wirtschaftswunder) in which a wave of foreign
workers were invited to come to Germany to work on projects to rebuild after
the Second World War, bringing into question the traditional idea of what it is
to be German, which will be addressed in more detail in Chapter 2.  Perception
of German society changed with an influx of Turks, Yogoslawiens, Greeks and
Italians. Turkey in particular was keen to fill Germany’s labour gap and
under a treaty of 30th October 1961, between Germany and Turkey,
conditions were established for healthy, unmarried Turkish men to come
temporarily to Germany to work in the mines and factories. (Prevezanos, 2011).  

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This particular year was an important
milestone in German history in which the borders of the GDR closed to the western world and the wall which
physically separated East and West Germany was constructed ‘as a symbol of
state control and coercio­­n’, completely halting the flow of Germans from East
Germany into the Bundesrepublik
Deutschland, which ultimately led to ‘an uncontrolled expansion of
immigrant labour’, according to Brochman and Hammar (1999), as employers had
been deprived of an important source of labour due to the loss of migrants from
East Germany. (Triadafilopoulos, 2014).

Recruitments
for labour were signed by the BRD with Portugal, Tunisia and Morocco
until 1968, in order to make up for the loss of migrants from the east. With the West German economy booming, and the demand for labour seemingly
endless, the Bundesrepublik
Deutschland enforced the Aliens Act of 1965; one of the most influential
regulations which limited these early immigrants, granting ‘a conditional
residence permit for a limited period.’ (Plender, 2015). According to the Act,
a work permit was necessary in order to obtain a residence permit, which could
be cancelled based on regulations of the Act such as ‘if the presence of the
alien was detrimental to public interests’ in which case they could be
deported. By enforcing this regulation and ensuring that residence permits were
only held for a limited period, it was ‘possible to check regularly
whether a permit holder’s residence was still in the interest of Germany”
(Hammar 1999). According to Ansay, (2011), family connections to the migrants
were ignored and the Act considered them ‘as individuals’. Particularly limited
in focus but immensely broad and vague in scope, it developed a framework that
could not meet the legal needs of the booming populationSB1 
of migrant workers.

In terms of cultural integration policies,
Germany provided little as they Germany regarded the migrants as
temporary labour, not immigrants in any sense, and did not expect this to be a
long-term issue (Friedman, 2010), but the majority of the Gastarbeiter never did actually return home. The fact that only one way travel
expenses were paid for the workers (Prevezanos, 2016) might suggest that their
presence was welcome and this acceptance of foreign workers was possibly the
reason many intermarried and/or never returned home, resulting in the question
of integration or constituting a minority. During
this period, Turkey “never had much of a chance” in economic and political termsSB2 ,
according to Nicole and Hugh Pope (2004). Many of
these migrants were barely educated and were generally manual countryside
labourers, making it difficult for them to return to their economically and
politically depressed home countries. “By the end of the 1970s, shop
shelves had become depleted of goods” in Turkey (Pope, 2004, p. 129). It also became
apparent to the BRD that these Gastarbeiter were
substituting for German workers which produced several positive outcomes for
the German economy. The workers were employed in low-level jobs, which, as a
result enabled German students to receive a longer education without causing insufficiencies
in the labour market.

For the first time after World War II, unemployment rates
were rising rapidly due to a small economic crisis which Germany experienced in
1966, during which the motor industry was severely affected and over 70,000
Turks lost their jobs. This led to the first critical judgement of the issue of
foreign workers in Germany, and questions such as ‘what actually defines a
foreign worker?’ were being intensely debated. (Abadan-Unat 2011).The majority
of Turks who lost their jobs attempted to search for work in Holland, Belgium
and Denmark, and those who failed to find work were taken in by fellow Turks.
However, by the end of 1967 the economy had recovered and almost all were
reemployed. (ibid). Due to this rise and fall in the number of foreign workers the
German officials assumed that the Gastarbeiter saw themselves as a temporary
part of the labour market, and were prepared to deport if the economic situation
in Germany no longer afforded them employment. However, as a result of the oil
embargo and economic crisis in 1973, this statement proved to be untrue, when the
BRD decided to implement a full
recruitment stop of foreign workers and the number of foreigners in Germany
surprisingly increased instead of decreased – those who
decided to stay in Germany proceeded to bring their families from Turkey as
protected under the Family Reunification Law of 1973, which was supported by
the governing parties of the time, a coalition of Social Democrats and the free
Democrats who supported facilitation of integration into Germany through
bringing back family members.

Understandably, these policies gave migrants in Germany secure future
prospects and led Germany to a demographic increase,  the policies being responsible for 90 percent
of immigration into Germany since 1974 (Kurthen 922). In 1973, 910,500 Turks were living in Germany, most of whom
were male, but by 1974 the government subsequently decided that the children’s
allowance could be extended to include foreign worker families, thus increasing
the figures as Turkish women
and children arrived to reunite with their husbands and fathers. The German
government aimed to restrict the influx of more foreign workers on the one
hand, and concurrently facilitate the integration of already existing workers.

The number
of irregular labour migrants increased further in the 1980s and 1990s as a
consequence of the so called coup d’état of 1980 in Turkey, which arose due to
thirteen weak coalition governments swapping power amid a growing political
instability, followed by an outbreak of military conflicts between Turkish
security forces and the former separatist party Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan
(PKK) in the Eastern part of Turkey that is largely inhabited by kurds (Türkiye
??verenler Sendikas? Konfederasyonu, 2006). At this point there were over 1.5
million Turks, becoming the largest migrant group in Germany. (Pauly, 2016).

Staatsburgerschaft? What do Gastarbeiter do now? What professions are
they mostly employed in? – I thought most of them would have
retired by now how many take the Abitur?

The subject of citizenship in Germany is somewhat
complicated, in that naturalisation legislation changed several times. During
the 1990s an increasing number of Turkish Germans ‘became German’ i.e. by
obtaining German citizenship, as ____AA3  in recently
introduced German nationality laws in 1990, showing that Turkish
immigrants and second, third and fourth generation Turks are no longer merely
seen as ‘Auslaender’ in Germany but rather permanent residents. Subject to certain conditions, children born to
foreign parents in Germany after 1990 are eligible for German citizenship. The
Inlandsklausel (inland article) allowed Turks to regain their Turkish
citizenship if they had given it up to gain German citizenship, so many
maintained, or re-acquired their Turkish citizenship. But laws with regard to
dual citizenship have since changed. According to the law as it then stood,
dual citizenship was tolerated; this brought many practical advantages among
Turkish Germans, as well as a sense of dual identification. However the German
law passed in 1999 prohibits dual nationality and grants dual citizenship only in
exceptional circumstances, creating a problem for many Turks who feel
marginalised as they do not want to give up their Turkish passports. By the age
of 23, one must decide on one of the two citizenships (I could link this with having two
identities somehow – how can you choose for one if you feel you belong to both
countries? Maybe another para on legislation vs feelings. not sure if this
would be part of the same chapter). In
order to obtain dual citizenship, children of foreign parents must have been
raised in Germany, have lived for eight years in Germany, and have attended a
German school for six years or completed vocational training by the time they
are 21 years old. Those who do not meet these requirements are forced to decide
on a single citizenship. According to the census the population of Turkish origin
(without a German passport) in Germany is around 2.5 million, while around 70000 Turks possess German citizenship.

Many of the ‘Gastarbeiter’ who were once
recruited to provide for Germany’s labour shortage and fill many low-status
jobs have not only left their ‘Gast’ status but also their willingness to work
under ‘3D – dirty, dangerous and difficult’ conditions (Pang, 2002) with an
increasing number of Turks creating their own businesses. According to Bonin
there has been a huge leap in growth from immigrants which the country benefit
from economically today. Those creating their own businesses often do so as a
means of escapism from long-term discrimination, disadvantage and dependence.
Women of migrant background, often regarded as little more than ‘family
workers’ are also establishing businesses of their own in an attempt to escape
the ‘double discrimination’ faced as females and foreigners. Bonin suggests,
however, that although Germany benefits from immigrants economically, the rate
of unemployment is around twice as high among Turks as it is in the total population.
This however is not related to the nationality but rather due to a lack of
education and other barriers such as language skills, integration?